马丁·路德·金英文演讲：我已达至峰顶

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马丁·路德·金英文演讲：我已达至峰顶

篇1：马丁·路德·金英文演讲：我已达至峰顶

马丁·路德·金英文演讲：我已达至峰顶

Thank you very kindly, my friends. As I listened to Ralph Abernathy and his eloquent and generous introduction and then thought about myself, I wondered who he was talking about. It's always good to have your closest friend and associate to say something good about you. And Ralph Abernathy is the best friend that I have in the world. I'm delighted to see each of you here tonight in spite of a storm warning. You reveal that you are determined to go on anyhow.

Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, “Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?” I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.

I would move on by Greece and take my mind to Mount Olympus. And I would see Plato, Aristotle, Socrates, Euripides and Aristophanes assembled around the Parthenon. And I would watch them around the Parthenon as they discussed the great and eternal issues of reality. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would even go by the way that the man for whom I am named had his habitat. And I would watch Martin Luther as he tacked his ninety-five theses on the door at the church of Wittenberg. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would come on up even to 1863, and watch a vacillating President by the name of Abraham Lincoln finally come to the conclusion that he had to sign the Emancipation Proclamation. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but “fear itself.” But I wouldn't stop there.

Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, “If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy.”

Now that's a strange statement to make, because the world is all messed up. The nation is sick. Trouble is in the land; confusion all around. That's a strange statement. But I know, somehow, that only when it is dark enough can you see the stars. And I see God working in this period of the twentieth century in a way that men, in some strange way, are responding.

Something is happening in our world. The masses of people are rising up. And wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in Johannesburg, South Africa; Nairobi, Kenya; Accra, Ghana; New York City; Atlanta, Georgia; Jackson, Mississippi; or Memphis, Tennessee -- the cry is always the same: “We want to be free.”

And another reason that I'm happy to live in this period is that we have been forced to a point where we are going to have to grapple with the problems that men have been trying to grapple with through history, but the demands didn't force them to do it. Survival demands that we grapple with them. Men, for years now, have been talking about war and peace. But now, no longer can they just talk about it. It is no longer a choice between violence and nonviolence in this world; it's nonviolence or nonexistence. That is where we are today.

And also in the human rights revolution, if something isn't done, and done in a hurry, to bring the colored peoples of the world out of their long years of poverty, their long years of hurt and neglect, the whole world is doomed. Now, I'm just happy that God has allowed me to live in this period to see what is unfolding. And I'm happy that He's allowed me to be in Memphis.

I can remember -- I can remember when Negroes were just going around as Ralph has said, so often, scratching where they didn't itch, and laughing when they were not tickled. But that day is all over. We mean business now, and we are determined to gain our rightful place in God's world.

And that's all this whole thing is about. We aren't engaged in any negative protest and in any negative arguments with anybody. We are saying that we are determined to be men. We are determined to be people. We are saying -- We are saying that we are God's children. And that we are God's children, we don't have to live like we are forced to live.

Now, what does all of this mean in this great period of history? It means that we've got to stay together. We've got to stay together and maintain unity. You know, whenever Pharaoh wanted to prolong the period of slavery in Egypt, he had a favorite, favorite formula for doing it. What was that? He kept the slaves fighting among themselves. But whenever the slaves get together, something happens in Pharaoh's court, and he cannot hold the slaves in slavery. When the slaves get together, that's the beginning of getting out of slavery. Now let us maintain unity.

Secondly, let us keep the issues where they are. The issue is injustice. The issue is the refusal of Memphis to be fair and honest in its dealings with its public servants, who happen to be sanitation workers. Now, we've got to keep attention on that. That's always the problem with a little violence. You know what happened the other day, and the press dealt only with the window-breaking. I read the articles. They very seldom got around to mentioning the fact that one thousand, three hundred sanitation workers are on strike, and that Memphis is not being fair to them, and that Mayor Loeb is in dire need of a doctor. They didn't get around to that.

Now we're going to march again, and we've got to march again, in order to put the issue where it is supposed to be -- and force everybody to see that there are thirteen hundred of God's children here suffering, sometimes going hungry, going through dark and dreary nights wondering how this thing is going to come out. That's the issue. And we've got to say to the nation: We know how it's coming out. For when people get caught up with that which is right and they are willing to sacrifice for it, there is no stopping point short of victory.

We aren't going to let any mace stop us. We are masters in our nonviolent movement in disarming police forces; they don't know what to do. I've seen them so often. I remember in Birmingham, Alabama, when we were in that majestic struggle there, we would move out of the 16th Street Baptist Church day after day; by the hundreds we would move out. And Bull Connor would tell them to send the dogs forth, and they did come; but we just went before the dogs singing, “Ain't gonna let nobody turn me around.”

Bull Connor next would say, “Turn the fire hoses on.” And as I said to you the other night, Bull Connor didn't know history. He knew a kind of physics that somehow didn't relate to the transphysics that we knew about. And that was the fact that there was a certain kind of fire that no water could put out. And we went before the fire hoses; we had known water. If we were Baptist or some other denominations, we had been immersed. If we were Methodist, and some others, we had been sprinkled, but we knew water. That couldn't stop us.

And we just went on before the dogs and we would look at them; and we'd go on before the water hoses and we would look at it, and we'd just go on singing “Over my head I see freedom in the air.” And then we would be thrown in the paddy wagons, and sometimes we were stacked in there like sardines in a can. And they would throw us in, and old Bull would say, “Take 'em off,” and they did; and we would just go in the paddy wagon singing, “We Shall Overcome.” And every now and then we'd get in jail, and we'd see the jailers looking through the windows being moved by our prayers, and being moved by our words and our songs. And there was a power there which Bull Connor couldn't adjust to; and so we ended up transforming Bull into a steer, and we won our struggle in Birmingham. Now we've got to go on in Memphis just like that. I call upon you to be with us when we go out Monday.

Now about injunctions: We have an injunction and we're going into court tomorrow morning to fight this illegal, unconstitutional injunction. All we say to America is, “Be true to what you said on paper.” If I lived in China or even Russia, or any totalitarian country, maybe I could understand some of these illegal injunctions. Maybe I could understand the denial of certain basic First Amendment privileges, because they hadn't committed themselves to that over there. But somewhere I read of the freedom of assembly. Somewhere I read of the freedom of speech. Somewhere I read of the freedom of press. Somewhere I read that the greatness of America is the right to protest for right. And so just as I say, we aren't going to let dogs or water hoses turn us around, we aren't going to let any injunction turn us around. We are going on.

We need all of you. And you know what's beautiful to me is to see all of these ministers of the Gospel. It's a marvelous picture. Who is it that is supposed to articulate the longings and aspirations of the people more than the preacher? Somehow the preacher must have a kind of fire shut up in his bones. And whenever injustice is around he tell it. Somehow the preacher must be an Amos, and saith, “When God speaks who can but prophesy?” Again with Amos, “Let justice roll down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.” Somehow the preacher must say with Jesus, “The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me,” and he's anointed me to deal with the problems of the poor.“

And I want to commend the preachers, under the leadership of these noble men: James Lawson, one who has been in this struggle for many years; he's been to jail for struggling; he's been kicked out of Vanderbilt University for this struggle, but he's still going on, fighting for the rights of his people. Reverend Ralph Jackson, Billy Kiles; I could just go right on down the list, but time will not permit. But I want to thank all of them. And I want you to thank them, because so often, preachers aren't concerned about anything but themselves. And I'm always happy to see a relevant ministry.

It's all right to talk about ”long white robes over yonder,“ in all of its symbolism. But ultimately people want some suits and dresses and shoes to wear down here! It's all right to talk about ”streets flowing with milk and honey,“ but God has commanded us to be concerned about the slums down here, and his children who can't eat three square meals a day. It's all right to talk about the new Jerusalem, but one day, God's preacher must talk about the new New York, the new Atlanta, the new Philadelphia, the new Los Angeles, the new Memphis, Tennessee. This is what we have to do.

Now the other thing we'll have to do is this: Always anchor our external direct action with the power of economic withdrawal. Now, we are poor people. Individually, we are poor when you compare us with white society in America. We are poor. Never stop and forget that collectively -- that means all of us together -- collectively we are richer than all the nations in the world, with the exception of nine. Did you ever think about that? After you leave the United States, Soviet Russia, Great Britain, West Germany, France, and I could name the others, the American Negro collectively is richer than most nations of the world. We have an annual income of more than thirty billion dollars a year, which is more than all of the exports of the United States, and more than the national budget of Canada. Did you know that? That's power right there, if we know how to pool it.

We don't have to argue with anybody. We don't have to curse and go around acting bad with our words. We don't need any bricks and bottles. We don't need any Molotov cocktails. We just need to go around to these stores, and to these massive industries in our country, and say, ”God sent us by here, to say to you that you're not treating his children right. And we've come by here to ask you to make the first item on your agenda fair treatment, where God's children are concerned. Now, if you are not prepared to do that, we do have an agenda that we must follow. And our agenda calls for withdrawing economic support from you.“

And so, as a result of this, we are asking you tonight, to go out and tell your neighbors not to buy Coca-Cola in Memphis. Go by and tell them not to buy Sealtest milk. Tell them not to buy -- what is the other bread? -- Wonder Bread. And what is the other bread company, Jesse? Tell them not to buy Hart's bread. As Jesse Jackson has said, up to now, only the garbage men have been feeling pain; now we must kind of redistribute the pain. We are choosing these companies because they haven't been fair in their hiring policies; and we are choosing them because they can begin the process of saying they are going to support the needs and the rights of these men who are on strike. And then they can move on town -- downtown and tell Mayor Loeb to do what is right.

But not only that, we've got to strengthen black institutions. I call upon you to take your money out of the banks downtown and deposit your money in Tri-State Bank. We want a ”bank-in“ movement in Memphis. Go by the savings and loan association. I'm not asking you something that we don't do ourselves at SCLC. Judge Hooks and others will tell you that we have an account here in the savings and loan association from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We are telling you to follow what we are doing. Put your money there. You have six or seven black insurance companies here in the city of Memphis. Take out your insurance there. We want to have an ”insurance-in.“

Now these are some practical things that we can do. We begin the process of building a greater economic base. And at the same time, we are putting pressure where it really hurts. I ask you to follow through here.

Now, let me say as I move to my conclusion that we've got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end. Nothing would be more tragic than to stop at this point in Memphis. We've got to see it through. And when we have our march, you need to be there. If it means leaving work, if it means leaving school -- be there. Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.

Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness. One day a man came to Jesus, and he wanted to raise some questions about some vital matters of life. At points he wanted to trick Jesus, and show him that he knew a little more than Jesus knew and throw him off base....

Now that question could have easily ended up in a philosophical and theological debate. But Jesus immediately pulled that question from mid-air, and placed it on a dangerous curve between Jerusalem and Jericho. And he talked about a certain man, who fell among thieves. You remember that a Levite and a priest passed by on the other side. They didn't stop to help him. And finally a man of another race came by. He got down from his beast, decided not to be compassionate by proxy. But he got down with him, administered first aid, and helped the man in need. Jesus ended up saying, this was the good man, this was the great man, because he had the capacity to project the ”I“ into the ”thou,“ and to be concerned about his brother.

Now you know, we use our imagination a great deal to try to determine why the priest and the Levite didn't stop. At times we say they were busy going to a church meeting, an ecclesiastical gathering, and they had to get on down to Jerusalem so they wouldn't be late for their meeting. At other times we would speculate that there was a religious law that ”One who was engaged in religious ceremonials was not to touch a human body twenty-four hours before the ceremony.“ And every now and then we begin to wonder whether maybe they were not going down to Jerusalem -- or down to Jericho, rather to organize a ”Jericho Road Improvement Association.“ That's a possibility. Maybe they felt that it was better to deal with the problem from the causal root, rather than to get bogged down with an individual effect.

But I'm going to tell you what my imagination tells me. It's possible that those men were afraid. You see, the Jericho road is a dangerous road. I remember when Mrs. King and I were first in Jerusalem. We rented a car and drove from Jerusalem down to Jericho. And as soon as we got on that road, I said to my wife, ”I can see why Jesus used this as the setting for his parable.“ It's a winding, meandering road. It's really conducive for ambushing. You start out in Jerusalem, which is about 1200 miles -- or rather 1200 feet above sea level. And by the time you get down to Jericho, fifteen or twenty minutes later, you're about 2200 feet below sea level. That's a dangerous road. In the days of Jesus it came to be known as the ”Bloody Pass.“ And you know, it's possible that the priest and the Levite looked over that man on the ground and wondered if the robbers were still around. Or it's possible that they felt that the man on the ground was merely faking. And he was acting like he had been robbed and hurt, in order to seize them over there, lure them there for quick and easy seizure. And so the first question that the priest asked -- the first question that the Levite asked was, ”If I stop to help this man, what will happen to me?“ But then the Good Samaritan came by. And he reversed the question: ”If I do not stop to help this man, what will happen to him?“

That's the question before you tonight. Not, ”If I stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to my job. Not, “If I stop to help the sanitation workers what will happen to all of the hours that I usually spend in my office every day and every week as a pastor?” The question is not, “If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?” The question is, “If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?” That's the question.

Let us rise up tonight with a greater readiness. Let us stand with a greater determination. And let us move on in these powerful days, these days of challenge to make America what it ought to be. We have an opportunity to make America a better nation. And I want to thank God, once more, for allowing me to be here with you.

You know, several years ago, I was in New York City autographing the first book that I had written. And while sitting there autographing books, a demented black woman came up. The only question I heard from her was, “Are you Martin Luther King?” And I was looking down writing, and I said, “Yes.” And the next minute I felt something beating on my chest. Before I knew it I had been stabbed by this demented woman. I was rushed to Harlem Hospital. It was a dark Saturday afternoon. And that blade had gone through, and the X-rays revealed that the tip of the blade was on the edge of my aorta, the main artery. And once that's punctured, your drowned in your own blood -- that's the end of you.

It came out in the New York Times the next morning, that if I had merely sneezed, I would have died. Well, about four days later, they allowed me, after the operation, after my chest had been opened, and the blade had been taken out, to move around in the wheel chair in the hospital. They allowed me to read some of the mail that came in, and from all over the states and the world, kind letters came in. I read a few, but one of them I will never forget. I had received one from the President and the Vice-President. I've forgotten what those telegrams said. I'd received a visit and a letter from the Governor of New York, but I've forgotten what that letter said. But there was another letter that came from a little girl, a young girl who was a student at the White Plains High School. And I looked at that letter, and I'll never forget it. It said simply,

Dear Dr. King,

I am a ninth-grade student at the White Plains High School.“

And she said,

While it should not matter, I would like to mention that I'm a white girl. I read in the paper of your misfortune, and of your suffering. And I read that if you had sneezed, you would have died. And I'm simply writing you to say that I'm so happy that you didn't sneeze.

And I want to say tonight -- I want to say tonight that I too am happy that I didn't sneeze. Because if I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1960, when students all over the South started sitting-in at lunch counters. And I knew that as they were sitting in, they were really standing up for the best in the American dream, and taking the whole nation back to those great wells of democracy which were dug deep by the Founding Fathers in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1961, when we decided to take a ride for freedom and ended segregation in inter-state travel.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been around here in 1962, when Negroes in Albany, Georgia, decided to straighten their backs up. And whenever men and women straighten their backs up, they are going somewhere, because a man can't ride your back unless it is bent.

If I had sneezed -- If I had sneezed I wouldn't have been here in 1963, when the black people of Birmingham, Alabama, aroused the conscience of this nation, and brought into being the Civil Rights Bill.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have had a chance later that year, in August, to try to tell America about a dream that I had had.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been down in Selma, Alabama, to see the great Movement there.

If I had sneezed, I wouldn't have been in Memphis to see a community rally around those brothers and sisters who are suffering.

I'm so happy that I didn't sneeze.

And they were telling me --. Now, it doesn't matter, now. It really doesn't matter what happens now. I left Atlanta this morning, and as we got started on the plane, there were six of us. The pilot said over the public address system, ”We are sorry for the delay, but we have Dr. Martin Luther King on the plane. And to be sure that all of the bags were checked, and to be sure that nothing would be wrong with on the plane, we had to check out everything carefully. And we've had the plane protected and guarded all night.“

And then I got into Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats that were out. What would happen to me from some of our sick white brothers?

Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn't matter with me now, because I've been to the mountaintop.

And I don't mind.

Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land!

mlkmountaintop3.JPG

And so I'm happy, tonight.

I'm not worried about anything.

I'm not fearing any man!

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord!

篇2：马丁・路德・金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶

马丁・路德・金英语演讲稿：我已达至峰顶

I've Been to the Mountaintop

Something is happening in Memphis; something is happening in our world. And you know, if I were standing at the beginning of time, with the possibility of taking a kind of general and panoramic view of the whole of human history up to now, and the Almighty said to me, ”Martin Luther King, which age would you like to live in?“ I would take my mental flight by Egypt and I would watch God's children in their magnificent trek from the dark dungeons of Egypt through, or rather across the Red Sea, through the wilderness on toward the promised land. And in spite of its magnificence, I wouldn't stop there.

I would go on, even to the great heyday of the Roman Empire. And I would see developments around there, through various emperors and leaders. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would even come up to the day of the Renaissance, and get a quick picture of all that the Renaissance did for the cultural and aesthetic life of man. But I wouldn't stop there.

I would even come up to the early thirties, and see a man grappling with the problems of the bankruptcy of his nation. And come with an eloquent cry that we have nothing to fear but ”fear itself.“ But I wouldn't stop there.

Strangely enough, I would turn to the Almighty, and say, ”If you allow me to live just a few years in the second half of the 20th century, I will be happy.“

篇3：马丁·路德·金简介

我有一个梦想分析

课文研讨

一、整体把握

黑人是美洲大陆的特殊居民。他们祖籍非洲，十六七世纪起，被殖民者从非洲大陆大批贩卖到美洲，被迫成为种植园中的奴隶，受到各种非人的待遇。这种状况一直持续了一个多世纪。1783年，美国的建国者决定废除奴隶贸易，南北战争胜利之后，当时的总统林肯签署了《解放黑奴宣言》，黑人终于在法律上获得自由。

但直到20世纪五、六十年代，《解放黑奴宣言》签署100多年之后，美国的种族歧视和种族压迫仍然十分严重，黑人仍然是美国社会的二等公民。他们挣扎在社会的底层，生活贫困，受不到良好的教育，不能进入各级各类高层机构，不能参加投票和选举，不能像白人一样享有人格自由和活动自由。尤其在南方诸州，黑人不能在白人开的餐馆就餐，许多公共场所挂着“仅供白人使用”的牌子，甚至在公共汽车上，黑人也只能坐在后车厢，车的中部虽然允许黑人坐，但有白人上车，黑人必须给白人让座。在这种情形下，美国黑人以争取平等自由为目标，发起了声势浩大的民权运动。马丁·路德·金就是其中最杰出的领袖。他曾在南方21个城市组织集会，发动黑人争取公民权利。1963年8月28日，在华盛顿特区一次25万人的集会上，他发表了这篇举世闻名的演说。

演讲一开始，马丁·路德·金就以形象生动的语言阐述了此次集会的起因和目的。他从一百年前林肯签署解放黑奴宣言讲起，自然而然地过渡到黑人生活的现状。这里连用排比和大量形象的比喻，把黑人不公正的现实处境揭示在世人面前，现状与当初共和国的缔造者“承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利”的诺言形成了鲜明的对比。因此，作者明确地指出，现在是政府兑现诺言的时候了!

另一方面，作者也反过来提醒自己的黑人同胞，一定要注意斗争的方式和策略。马丁·路德·金深受印度圣雄甘地非暴力思想的影响，主张用和平的方式争取正当的权利，反对“以暴易暴”，提出“不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮”，而应当用包容、忍耐和博爱来对抗仇恨。这种“不以恶抗恶”的思想为后来黑人民权运动的胜利奠定了基础。

因为是面对自己的黑人同胞演讲，马丁·路德·金在这一场合还担负着鼓舞同胞士气，帮他们树立信念和理想，团结他们共同前进的任务。因此，接下来的几段，马丁·路德·金用一系列气势磅礴的排比句──四个“只要”清晰而生动地表明了黑人民权运动的目标，那就是斗争一定要彻底，每个人都要有顽强的斗争精神和韧劲，无论在怎样艰难的环境和痛苦的遭遇中都要坚持下去。他充满激情地呼吁大家回到那些最冥顽不化的地方，坚持战斗，不要绝望，胜利的那一天一定会到来的。

文章的最后一部分是全文的高潮。作者连用六个“我梦想有一天”，以诗一样的语言和酣畅淋漓的排比句，正面表达了对自由和平等的渴望，抒发了他作为一个黑人内心最热烈的梦想。他呼吁种族平等、人格尊严和兄弟般的情谊能早日到来!他呼吁自由与平等在美国的各个角落都能得到实现!这几段文字情感充沛，文采斐然，犹如江河直下，一泻千里，不可阻挡，具有极强的感染力。

二、问题探究

1.这篇演讲为什么能激动人心？

因为这篇演讲辞有着极其感人的充沛的情感。作者从“结束束缚黑人的漫漫长夜”的期待开始，到对一百年之后黑人现状的失望，到要求政府兑现支票的义正词严，再到对“梦想”的热烈憧憬，其间无不充满着作者悲愤而热烈的情感。正因为作者饱含深情，而且在演讲中把梦幻、心曲和圣歌联系起来，使演讲如交响乐一般在听众中回荡，使听众的情绪受到感染并得以升华，产生了极强的号召力。而这正是演讲成功的必要条件。

2.本文在艺术上有什么特点？

这篇演讲辞是中外演讲史上文采斐然的篇章之一。几乎每一段都有大量形象的比喻，如用“灯塔”和“黎明”来比喻林肯签署的《解放黑奴宣言》；用“物质充裕的海洋中的一个穷困的孤岛”和“故土家园中的流亡者”等来比喻黑人的处境，生动地描绘出美国黑人的生存现状和他们内心的渴望；“空头支票”等则形象地说出了政府许诺和现实之间的距离。文中那华丽的词句，典雅的语言，为演讲增添了许多感人的魅力。文中还大量运用排比、呼告和反复等修辞手法，它们纷沓而至，接踵而来，使作者的思想表达得更充分，更鲜明，更有排山倒海的气势和一泻千里的激情，增强了小说诗歌文学作品的感染力和表达效果。

关于练习

一、“我有一个梦想”中的梦想包含哪些内容？试用自己的话加以概括。

设题意图：引导学生理清课文思路，深入理解文章的内涵。

参考答案：

作者的梦想含义是多方面的，涉及到黑人生活的各个层面。可以让学生根据课文和自己的理解来阐发，各抒己见。以下答案仅供参考。首先，在政治上，作者希望美国的有色人种能享有和白人一样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利，有同等的地位和公民权，如选举权和被选举权等，而不是被作为二等公民备受歧视和压迫；其次，在文化上，希望得到尊重和理解，人们不再以肤色，而是以品格的优劣来评判他们，有和白人一样的受教育的权利和自由；第三，在经济上，有和白人一样的就业和发展的机会，而不是像现在这样被限制在固定的贫民区，贫困潦倒。

二、朗读第9至第14段，体会排比句式在演讲中的独特效果。文中还有哪些地方运用了排比手法？找出来并试着自己演讲一下。

设题意图：引导学生反复朗读演讲辞，体会排比句式在演讲中的作用，深入理解作者的思想感情。

参考答案：

本文一个突出特点是大量使用排比手法。如第2段、第5段、第10到13段以及文章最后连用6个“我梦想有一天”，都是比较典型的集中使用排比句的段落。学习时可让学生大声朗读，仔细体会其中充沛的感情和磅礴的气势。这些排比句的使用，使作者的思想表达得更充分，更鲜明，更有排山倒海的气势和一泻千里的激情，更容易感染听众并激起他们深深的共鸣。

三、联系上下文，研读下列语句，回答括号中的问题。

1.一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且，意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。

(这两句话用了什么修辞手法？它们从哪几个方面揭示了美国黑人的生活处境？)

2.美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着“资金不足”的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产，我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。

(这里的“空头支票”指什么？这样表达有什么效果？)

3.有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。

(“这个信念”具体指什么？“交响曲”有什么特点？用在这里有什么深刻含义？)

设题意图：引导学生研读关键语句，体会其中的深刻含义和表达上的妙处。

参考答案：

1.这两句运用了比喻和排比等修辞手法，揭示了黑人物质生活贫困，精神备受歧视，没有安全感和归宿感的悲惨现实。

2.“空头支票”在这里是个巧妙的比喻。本来，自从林肯总统签署黑奴解放宣言，黑人在法律上就有了和白人一样的生存、自由和追求幸福的权利，但现实却如此令人失望，就像空头支票一样，听起来不错，但没有任何实际意义。在美国这样一个商业社会，空头支票的内涵大家都非常熟悉，用它来作比，形象且易为人们理解。

3.“这个信念”具体指的是，作者相信总会有一天，美国黑人会和白人一样，拥有平等的地位和权利，人们不再以肤色而是以品格的高低来衡量黑人和白人，美国一定能变成一个真正的人人生而平等的国家。“交响曲”的特点主要是多重乐声合奏，在这里它寄托了作者的理想，那就是将来总有那么一天，白人不再歧视和压榨黑人，白人和黑人能像兄弟般地和谐相处，共同发展。

四、联系世界史的有关知识，或到图书馆查阅有关资料，了解美国黑人的历史和现状，在班里开个读书报告会。

设题意图：加强语文与历史、社会、文化的联系，引导学生自己查阅资料，广泛阅读，并能独立思考和解决问题。

参考答案：

（略）。

教学建议

一、教学之前，引导学生到图书馆或网上查阅有关资料，了解一下美国黑人的历史和现状，这样他们才可能更好地理解课文的内容和作者的主张。

二、本文激情澎湃，文质兼美，应提倡多朗读和背诵，让学生在读与讲的过程中，领会演讲的特点和魅力。

三、本文成功地运用多种修辞手法，文采斐然，可以让学生自己找出来，细细品味和揣摩。也可以采取仿写、改写等方法，达到自如掌握和运用这些修辞手法的目的。

有关资料

一、关于马丁·路德·金

1968年4月4日，马丁·路德·金在田纳西州孟菲斯市的洛林汽车旅店被枪杀身亡，终年39岁。金是美国黑人民权运动领袖，浸礼会教堂牧师，非暴力主义者。1929年1月25日出生于佐治亚州亚特兰大市一黑人家庭，父亲和祖父都是浸礼会的传教士。早年就读于亚特兰大的莫尔豪斯学院社会学系，19岁毕业后加入浸礼教会。1951年和1954年又先后毕业于宾夕法尼亚州切斯特市的克罗泽神学院和波士顿大学。1954年在蒙哥马利城的德克斯特大道浸礼会教堂任职。1955年获得博士学位。此后他积极参加和领导美国黑人争取平等权利的斗争，一生三次被捕，三次被判刑。1956年他领导蒙哥马利改进协会，组织黑人进行抵制公共汽车歧视黑人的斗争。全城5万黑人拒乘公共汽车385天，迫使最高法院宣布在交通工具上实施种族隔离为非法。1957年帮助建立黑人牧师组织──南方基督教领袖大会，并任该会首任主席。1963年8月率领25万黑人向华盛顿林肯纪念堂“自由进军”，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。他极具演说才能，并著有《阔步走向自由》《我们为何不能再等待》等著作。其思想对60年代美国黑人民权运动产生了重大影响。遇害时，他正准备帮助孟菲斯黑人清洁工人组织罢工。当时他在旅馆阳台上与同伴们谈话，被刺客詹姆斯·厄尔·雷用枪击中。刺客得手后窜逃出境，6月8日在伦敦机场被捕，后被判处徒刑。金的遇刺触发了黑人抗暴斗争的巨大风暴。4月4日到6日，全美一百多个城市爆发骚乱。

美国政府确定从1986年起每年一月的第三个星期一(金的诞辰为1月15日)为全国纪念日。从1987年起金的诞辰亦为联合国的纪念日之一。

(选自《20世纪世界各国大事全书》，北京出版社1993年版)

二、有关美国黑人的背景资料

1774年，美国的建国者们把奴隶纳入不予进口的商品之列，并直到1783年才废除了奴隶贸易。除两个州外奴隶制被完全废除──南卡罗来纳州和佐治亚州──他们因惧怕经济受损而坚决反对。所有北方各州都已早早地废除了奴隶制──最晚一个是18的新泽西州。然而南方坚持1845年后加入联盟的新州可以保持奴隶制。

从1830年后，在北方就有一个坚定，但却不那么有效的声音在要求全面废除奴隶制。随后，1861年，11个南方州成立南部邦联，脱离主张废奴的美利坚合众国。南方和北方间的南北战争随之爆发。经过4年的斗争和超过50万人的死亡后，北方获得胜利。《解放宣言》通过了，奴隶终于获得了自由。

但那只是就理论而言。战争已过了一百多年，南方诸州仍抵制为争取给予黑人平等机会而进行的全国性的努力。南方的白人指责黑人导致了战争、失败和贫穷。他们的领袖试图保持其古老的生活方式和他们的“遗产”。而黑人则没有土地，受不到教育，没有丝毫改善的可能。

1865年4月林肯总统的不幸遇刺意味着失去了以新模式重建南方的机会。旧的南方领导人没有被排除在公职之外，“黑人法案”除最基本的民权和自由外否定黑人的一切。为了对付这种压迫，1866年生效的宪法第十四修正案规定了黑人作为美国公民的权利，使其得到在法律之下平等的保护。随后的1870年第十五修正案给予所有美国公民以选举权，无论他们的“种族、肤色或是否曾是奴隶”。

然而，北方或多或少在放任南方按他们自己的意愿对待黑人。其结果是，到1895年，实际上所有的黑人都没有得到选举权。在1890年三k党重建之后，情况糟到了极点；在1889年到19之间，有近三千黑人男子和妇女受到了私刑。

在20世纪50年代，当马丁·路德·金接掌黑人民权运动的领导权时，大多数黑人仍处于贫穷和低教育状态。每一次进展都受到阻碍。例如，虽然依据法律，黑人可以选举，但在南方诸州却设置了许多障碍──从繁文缛节一直到私刑，结果只有5%的黑人能够登记。

在金的领导下取得了巨大的进步。但在今天，金死了后，种族隔离尤其在南方的乡村地区事实上仍存在着。法律声称现在已平等，但存有偏见的白人仍与法律背道而驰。饭店过去只对白人开放。所以当法律判定这样做违法时，饭店干脆关门大吉。在许多南方小镇上现在都没了酒吧、理发店或饭店。那些废除种族隔离的政府学校里只有黑人学生。所有的白人孩子都被带走，进了私立学校。

在某些领域确实取得了进步。在选举法案(1965年)颁布前，在美国只有不到二百名黑人担任公职；到1970年是1469名；1980年4912名，1986年超过了6500人。这仅占美国49万名被推选官员的13%。现有289名黑人市长，28名妇女管理着超过五万人的城市。

贫困的黑人家庭从1959年的55%下降到1987年的约31%；然而在1986年领取食物救济券(以此可以到商店换取食物)的人中，黑人占37%，有45%的年轻黑人要去救济所。1985年，黑人家庭的平均收入仅为白人家庭的55%，所有黑人家庭中有近45%要依靠妇女。1987年，“美国黑人状况”称在北方各州黑人的失业情况：“在诸如底特律、布法罗、芝加哥及克里弗兰等城市，在劳动市场上，黑人，尤其是黑人男性──同白人相比其收入差距可能超过了南方种族歧视最为严重的城市里的最高记录。”

而在另一方面是不容置疑的成功例子──比尔·科斯比在1987年是全世界娱乐业收入最高的人，吸引了8300万观众看他的电视系列节目，赚了近一亿美元。杰西·杰克逊是另一个成功例子──他是民主党竞选1988年美国总统的重要竞选者。流行歌星如麦克尔·杰克逊和蒂娜·特娜的摇滚音乐会遍及全球。其他像管理人员克里弗德·r·华伦，前纽约州立大学校长，成为美国最大的养老金基金主席及一名企业家，赫尔曼·e·瓦伦丁，是美洲系统管理委员会的主席和总裁。

最终，成千上万的普通黑人进入了中产阶级，获得了医生、律师、银行家、经理和其他职位。据估计到，每三个美国人中就有一个是非白人──这包括亚洲人、西班牙裔人和黑人──凭着毅力、教育和更大的推动，马丁·路德·金的伟大梦想或许会在下一个20年中变为现实。

(选自《马丁·路德·金传》，汪群译，上海世界图书出版公司版)

三、立足道德自强，争取社会正义(何光沪)

年纪稍大的中国人应该还记得，1968年春，“文革”还正如火如荼之际，毛泽东发表了一篇“五二〇声明”，全国各地为此举行了由上级组织的大规模游行。很多人应该还记得，事情同马丁·路德·金被刺杀有关，而这位马丁·路德·金，乃是著名的美国黑人民权运动领袖。事过多年之后，我却发现，不少人居然把这位诺贝尔和平奖得主，同四百多年前那位德国宗教改革领袖马丁·路德相混淆，而对他的主要主张“非暴力抵抗”，更是懵然无知!1956年，在26岁的马丁·路德·金第一次领导黑人市民，抵制蒙哥马利市公共汽车公司的种族隔离制度时，他就举起了“非暴力抵抗”的旗帜。他号召久被歧视的黑人群众说：“我们要抵抗，因为自由从来不靠恩赐获得。有权有势的欺压者从不会自动把自由奉献给受压者。……权利和机会，必须通过一些人的牺牲和受难才能得到。”但是，“仇恨产生仇恨，暴力产生暴力……我们要用爱的力量，去对付恨的势力。我们的目标，绝不是击败或羞辱白人，正相反，我们要赢得他们的友谊和理解。”

然而，当他回到家里，却接到了白人种族主义者的恐吓电话!再过一段时间，恐吓变成了事实──他的家被炸了!

就在那被炸得七零八落的家门口，他对闻讯赶来、手持武器、群情激动的支持者发表演说：“冤冤相报的暴力不能解决问题，我们要以和平对待暴力，记住基督耶稣说过：凡动刀的，必死在刀下!无论那些白人对我们怎样，我们要爱他们，如同兄弟。耶稣不是说过‘要爱你们的仇敌，为逼迫你们的祷告’吗？我们要以恩报怨，以爱报恨。”

后，这位“非暴力抵抗”的倡导者，死在枪弹的暴力之下。这当然令人想起马丁·路德·金所钦佩的印度国父圣雄甘地──他作为“非暴力抵抗”的首创者，也死在枪弹的暴力之下!

于是，有不少人得出结论说：非暴力主义是软弱的、无效的、注定要失败的!它的两位最著名的鼓吹者甘地和马丁·路德·金，就是最好的例子!

甘地和马丁·路德·金失败了吗？他们用生命去实践的主张是失败的吗？是无效的吗？是软弱的吗？

首先，我们要承认，中国的古话“勿以成败论英雄”，是出于良知的智慧，而“历史由胜者来书写”，是人类社会的耻辱。

即便我们只采用世俗的“成败观”来评判这两个人物和他们的主张，我们也无法抹煞这些基本的事实：

就甘地而言，他比任何别的印度领袖都动员了更多的民众，他用最少的人命牺牲赢得了当时世界上最多的人口的民族独立运动的成功!他以最低的代价(或伤亡率)，以和平的方式，最有效地摧垮了一个统治方式最有效的殖民帝国的长期统治!他那副瘦骨嶙峋的身躯包含着的精神力量之强大，使得那个作为世界霸主的敌人也肃然起敬，不但多次把他从阶下囚尊为座上宾，而且至今把他的塑像同诸多英国伟人一同安放在伦敦的蜡像馆中!他不但成了印度的伟人，也成了世界的伟人，他的思想和典范不但属于印度，也属于全人类!

就这本书的主角──马丁·路德·金而言，他领导的非暴力抵抗运动，不但赢得了蒙哥马利城公共汽车种族隔离制度的废除，而且赢得了全国全世界对伯明翰市黑人运动的关注和同情；不但胜利地组织了向首都华盛顿的大进军，而且深深地打动了包括总统肯尼迪在内的各阶层白人的心；不但促成了美国国会通过民权法案，从法律上正式结束美国黑人的被歧视地位，而且影响了英国国会通过反种族歧视法和反性别歧视法，从长远来说还促成了南非种族隔离制度的崩溃──顺便说说，南非黑人运动的领袖曼德拉，可视为自甘地和马丁·路德·金之后最伟大的非暴力抵抗倡导者。

至于这些胜利之伟大，以及马丁·路德·金的努力成效之惊人，可以从以下事实略见一斑：美国白人对黑人的歧视，曾在长达三百多年之中被视为当然，被视为有理，所以问题远远不止是法律的禁止与否，而是人们的心理和观念的改变与否，后一件事情人人都明白是最难做到的。然而人们看到，在20世纪50年代和60年代，一些大学的白人学生**，还仅仅是因为学校收了几个黑人学生；而在20世纪结束之前，白人却早已习惯了大量的黑人官员、黑人警察、甚至黑人部长、黑人军队首脑，更不用说社会生活各领域的黑人白人的共同活动，甚至已有了不少白人与黑人的通婚；而在21世纪开始之际，甚至已有黑人担任国家安全事务助理和国务卿!

就马丁·路德·金个人而言，他不但在生前获诺贝尔和平奖，是有史以来最年轻的获奖者，而且他的生日早被确立为法定全国假日，这在从国父到各界名人的行列中也极其罕见。最主要的是，他也同甘地一样，不但成了他本国良知的代表，还成了人类良知的代表。而这一切所证明的，恰恰是同样个子矮小、其貌不扬的马丁·路德·金的精神力量之强大，恰恰是他和甘地、曼德拉等所代表的非暴力抵抗的精神力量之强大。而这种精神，往近处可以追溯到托尔斯泰和雨果，往远处可以追溯到人文主义的许多伟大思想家，究其本源，还可以追溯到各大文明的创始性人物耶稣、苏格拉底、佛陀和孔子。当然，我们已经看到，就马丁·路德·金来说，他的这种精神之强大，是来源于他的基督教信仰。但他认为基督福音不是个人精神的福利奖券，而是社会公义的实践要求。但在争取社会正义的斗争中，他认为“爱心是我们惟一的武器”。他说：“‘爱你的敌人’……是指圣经希腊文的agape(圣爱)，是无视敌友亲疏、仿效上帝的无私博爱。”这种爱有一种最根本的神学肯定作为存在基础，即“上帝就是爱”。

正因为如此，他可以强大到不在乎胜利与否的地步──他领导的运动参加者要遵守的“非暴力十诫”中有一条是“要争取正义与和解，而不是争取胜利”。这令人想起林肯的名言：“我关心的不是事情能否成功，而是事情是否正当。”

也正因为如此，他可以强大到视“受苦”为“救赎”，甘愿自己流血牺牲的地步──他说：“要争取自由，必须付出流血的代价，而流的血必须是我们的鲜血……无辜受苦是有救赎力量的，它可以取代欺压者与受压者双方苦毒怨恨的悲剧结局。”这更令人想起耶稣在十字架上的受难。

这种来自信仰的精神之强大，在马丁·路德·金争取社会正义的斗争中，就表现为一种道义上的强大或道德上的自强。为他在复杂的处境、艰难的斗争和内心的矛盾中提供了坚如磐石的基础的，正是这种道德自强的力量。这种力量对于任何争取社会正义的斗争来说，是经费的或经济的、武器的或武力的力量都不可比拟的。

马丁·路德·金已经去世33年了。但是，这本书所提供的他的言行，对于当今的世界来说，不是仍值得思索吗？这些言行所树立的崇高榜样，对于当今的人类来说，不是仍值得效法吗？

(选自《我有一个梦想》，中央编译出版社版)

四、关于“非暴力反抗”(何怀宏)

为了让读者对这一概念有一较完整的了解，我们首先回顾一下罗尔斯对“非暴力反抗”的定义。他将“非暴力反抗”定义为“一种公开的、非暴力的，既是按照良心的、又是政治性的违反法律的行为，其目的通常是为了使政府的法律或政策发生一种改变。通过这种方式的行动，一个人诉诸共同体多数人的正义感，宣称按照他们经过深思熟虑的观点，自由和平等的人们之间的社会合作原则此刻没有受到尊重。”

罗尔斯对这一定义的解释如下：

1.它是一种违法行为，虽然是出自良心的违法，但却还是违法。并且，它不仅包括直接的“公民抗命权”──直接违反要抗议的法律；也包括间接的“公民抗命权”──如通过违反交通法规来引起社会注意而表达自己的抗议。

2.它是一种政治行为，是向拥有政治权力的多数提出来的，是由一些政治原则而非个人的道德原则和宗教理论来指导和证明的，它诉诸的是那个构成政治秩序基础的共有正义观。

3.它是一种公开的行为。

4.它是一种非暴力的行为。这不仅因为它是一种表达深刻和认真的政治信念，是在试过其他手段都无效之后才采取的正式请愿，也是因为它是在忠诚法律的范围内(虽然是在这范围的边缘上)对法律的不服从。这种忠诚是通过公开、和平以及愿意承担违法的后果来体现的。

马丁·路德·金也曾对他领导的“公民抗命权”运动的基本原则“非暴力反抗”(nonviolent resistance)作过详细说明，他认为这一“非暴力反抗”的6个特征是：

1.它并非消极，而仍是反抗，且从根本上说是强者的手段；

2.它不寻求打败或羞辱对手，而是要赢得他的友谊和理解；

3.它抵抗的目标是指向邪恶本身而非在行这种恶的人；

4.非暴力反抗者愿意接受痛苦而不报复，接受对方的打击而不还击；

5.非暴力反抗者不仅避免外在的物质暴力，也避免内在的精神暴力，即不是恨，而是爱对方。这里的爱不是爱欲，也不是友谊，而是指一种冷静、理解、善意、寻求保存和创造共同体的爱；

6.非暴力反抗者深信世界是站在正义一边的，深信未来。

我们现在对马丁·路德·金所领导的“公民抗命权”运动及其所蕴含的根本的非暴力精神已经有了一个概略的印象，下面我们试具体联系与本书相关的材料，来对一些可能容易引起误解或混淆的问题作一些说明。

第一，“公民抗命权”是一种特殊的“违法行为”，它是一种出自“善意”“良知”或者说强烈的“正义感”的行为，至少行为者主观上是如此认为，也得到相当多的人的如此承认。但即便如此，它又确实仍是一种违法行为，确实违反了当时的法律、法规或政令。所以，马丁·路德·金等领袖在发动这种斗争时是不无犹豫的。当然，他也不是要推翻整个法律体制或政府，他甚至试图更忠诚于他所理解的“宪法”或“宪法精神”，他始终是一种改革而非革命，更非旨在夺取政权的暴力革命，亦非具有绝望情绪的恐怖活动。这是马丁·路德·金始终强调的。

第二，抗议者之所以采取这种违法行为，而不是在守法的框架下寻求问题的解决，常常是因为违法者觉得在法律的框架内已很难解决问题，或者说需要旷日持久的时间和程序，已经让人很难等待。这还意示着，在一个法律基本上能够顺应民意的社会里，抗议者常常并不是处于多数，而是处于少数，而多数对于这少数感到的痛苦常常并不能完全感同身受，因而容易流于麻木。所以，抗议者希望通过某些相对激烈的行动、通过像我们上面所说的“集体违法”行动来刺激多数，来唤起他们的正义感，而绝不是要把对方消灭。

具体到马丁·路德·金所开展的斗争，那就是，他以及追随他的人们，在相当长一段时间里，并不代表多数，而只是少数，他所面对的对手，甚至可以说也主要不是美国联邦政府，而是普遍的南方白人，这些人在南方许多地方居于多数，在市议会中占据支配地位，其中一些人同时还是权力机构的执掌者或执行人。这些人代表着另一种“民意”，是一种甚至在相当长一段时间里居于多数的“民意”，这种“民意”不仅是地方政府要优先考虑的，中央政府也不敢小窥。所以，我们可以感受到马丁·路德·金所遭受到的巨大压力，这种压力就来自这一“多数”──其中包括麻木、冷淡的多数人和一些激烈的少数人──像爆炸、刺杀、恐吓大致就是后者所为。

第三，所以马丁·路德·金及其运动成员确实需要一种很高的精神、意志、理性和训练，其中包括相当重要的一种自我克制力和妥协精神，比如说在某些时候停止示威一天，这并不只是作为一种斗争策略来使用，而是源自一种根本的、对人性的深刻认识，认识到人性的某些基本缺陷，认识到正义的抗议者自身也同样还有阴暗面，因而即便是对罪恶，也主要是“罪其行而不是罪其人”。

第四，从本书中我们可以看到，“公民抗命权”运动要取得成功，不仅需要抗议者的相当广泛有力的组织；需要具有卓越判断力和坚强意志的领袖；需要恰当的斗争策略，还需要具有两个很重要的外在条件：其中一个是立宪体制和法治，这意味着对手接受法律，遵循可以预知的游戏规则。在这一意义上，你有什么样的对手确实至关重要──至少对于这种运动取得成功至关重要，抗议者也可由这一法治得到保障。比方说，一个个被捕的“公民抗命权”的参与者只要交了保释金，就可以轻松地微笑着离去。另一个就是强大而自由的、独立于政府的、多元和开放的新闻媒体，这还意味着媒体和舆论也不仅仅是顺从多数，更不是顺从权力，而是要遵循真实甚或追求某些直觉到的道德真理。在伯明翰的斗争中，马丁·路德·金组织少年学生违反禁止令连日示威，开始警察还未使用暴力，只是执法捕人，但当这些少年示威者一天天持续涌现，监狱也人满为患时，就开始发生警民流血冲突了。而当闻风云集的新闻记者将实况、照片向全国报道；看到少年们挨打，一时间全国哗然。此外，还有时机也起了作用，1963年是由年轻的民主党人肯尼迪担任总统，这对开展民权运动，争取通过民权法案是有利的。马丁·路德·金入狱时，肯尼迪甚至亲自打电话给他的妻子给予安慰，并为改善马丁·路德·金在狱中的处境进行干预。

第五，在某种意义上，这一切都可以在法律的意义上来理解，基本的观念还是法律，或更准确地说，是宪政和法治：抗议者的组织得以存在、发展和壮大有赖于健全的法治；真正合格的领袖得以涌现，群众经过理性的节制和训练而得以成熟，也有赖于健全的法治；而这种运动最终能够取得成功，也同样有赖于健全的法治。而对成功的理解，斗争的直接目的也是通过民权法案，而一旦通过立法，权利也就确实能得到保障。如此艰难争取得到的法律不会是一纸空文。当然，真诚友善和心心相契并不能通过法律得到，但至少明显的侮辱可以通过法律撤除了。而“公民抗命权”本意也就是要忠于宪法精神，或者说给法律一种道德的基础，为按照某种正义感和良知来改革具体法律提供动力和契机，在这个意义上，我们也可以说，恰当进行的“公民抗命权”是一种最可谅解的“违法”。当然，对一个社会来说，它最好是一种最后的诉诸手段，这里的“最后”的意思有二：一是抗争者在程序上最后才考虑采用它；二是作为手段本身它也最好是最后的，过此就将逾越非暴力的界限。

由于社会处境的不同，以上有些观念对我们可能还是相当陌生的，所以借此机会特意予以说明。

(选自《我有一个梦想》，中央编译出版社20版)

篇4：马丁·路德·金名言

1、历史将会记录，在这个社会转型期，最大的悲剧不是坏人的嚣张，而是好人的过度沉默。 ——马丁·路德·金

2、如果你不能飞，那就奔跑；如果跑不动，就走路；实在不能走，就用爬的。无论如何，你得不断前进。 ——马丁·路德·金

3、“不是我很喜欢多次强调黑人的权利，而是很有必要，我才这么做。” ——马丁·路德·金

4、如果你的梦想还站着的话，那么没有人能使你倒下。 ——马丁·路德·金

5、最大的悲哀不是坏人的嚣张气焰，而是好人的过度沉默——马丁路德金

6、我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。 ——马丁·路德·金《I have a dream》

7、如果你不能飞，那就跑；如果跑不动，那就走；实在走不了，那就爬。无论做什么，你都要勇往直前。 ——马丁·路德·金

8、我们必须接受失望，因为它是有限的，但千万不可失去希望，因为它是无穷的。 ——马丁·路德·金

9、我们这一代终将悔恨，不是因为坏人的可憎言行，更是因为好人的沉默。 ——马丁·路德·金

10、这个世界上，没有人能够使你倒下，如果你自己的信念还站立着的话。 ——马丁·路德·金

11、我有一个梦，梦想这国家要高举并履行其信条的真正涵义：“我们信守这些不言自明的真理：人人生而平等”。我有一个梦，我梦想有朝一日，在乔治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子和昔日奴隶主的儿子能够同坐一处，共叙兄弟情谊。我有一个梦，有朝一日，我的四个孩子将生活在一个不以肤色而是以品行来评判一个人优劣的国度里。我今天就有这样一个梦想。 ——马丁·路德·金《我有一个梦》

12、生命的意义在于活得充实，而不在于活得长久。 ——马丁·路德·金

13、如果你不能飞你就跑，如果你不能跑你就走，如果不能走你就爬，无论你做什么，你都必须继续前进。 ——马丁·路德·金

14、“公平如浪涛滚滚，正义如江河滔滔” ——马丁·路德·金《我有一个梦想》

15、如果你不能飞，那就奔跑；如果不能奔跑，那就行走；如果不能行走，那就爬行；但无论你做什么，都要保持前行的方向。 ——马丁·路德·金

16、有信心地踏出第一步，你不需要看到整个楼梯，只要踏出第一步就好。 ——马丁·路德·金

17、一个国家的繁荣，不取决于它的国库之殷实，不取决于它的城堡之坚固，也不取决于它的公共设施之华丽。而在于它的公民的文明素养，即在于人们所受的教育，人们的远见卓识和品格的高下，这才是真正的.利害所在，真正的力量所在。 ——马丁·路德·金

18、手段代表了在形成之中的理想和进行之中的目的，人们无法通过邪恶的手段来达到美好的目的。因为手段是种子，目的是树。 ——马丁·路德·金

19、我们可以接受失望，因为失望是有限的；但千万不要拒绝希望，因为希望是无限的。 ——马丁·路德·金

20、到头来我们记住的不是敌人的攻击而是朋友的沉默——马丁·路德·金

篇5：马丁・路德・金《我有一个梦想》英文演讲稿附中文

马丁・路德・金《我有一个梦想》英文演讲稿（附中文）

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the ”unalienable Rights“ of ”Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.“ It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked ”insufficient funds.“

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, ”When will you be satisfied?“ We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating ”for whites only.“ We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until ”justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.“

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

篇6：读马丁・路德・金《我有一个梦想》有感

独自漫步在耀州的老城中，走过文庙，文化的传承在这里流淌；走过神德寺，历史的沧桑在这里静默；走过药王山，悬壶济世的医德在这里长存；走过东街的牌坊，位置的迁移改变不了牌坊的恢宏；走过永乐坊，儿时的回忆在脑海萦绕；走过南街，已然不见童年的影像。我不禁驻足沉思，回忆一幕幕涌上心头，南街的茶炉店铺内靠街盘座七星灶，这灶一半在店内，一半在店外，每个灶眼上放个油光瓦亮的长嘴大铁壶，灶旁置一偌大风箱，升火烧水时，风箱啪嗒啪嗒地响着，火苗便随之一蹿一蹿，铁壶滋滋冒着热气，氤氲而温馨。茶楼外，孩子们欢笑着奔跑而过，追逐着成长的快乐；老人们或在茶楼，或在街边，天南地北的谈天说地；小媳妇们或是嗑着瓜子，或是织着毛衣，嘻嘻闹闹的细语轻声；汉子们或是扛着锄头，或是拉着马车，豪迈大气的哈哈大笑，夕阳西下，这幅最美、最安详的画面久久难以忘怀。

我不禁想起了前段时间看过的《我有一个梦想》，这是马丁・路德・金于1963年8月28日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂发表的著名演讲，内容主要关于黑人民族平等，对美国甚至世界影响很大。”我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。“这是《我有一个梦想》中的一句话，一直令我记忆犹新。梦想像一粒种子，种在”心“的土壤里，尽管它很小，却可以生根开花，假如没有梦想，就像生活在荒凉的.戈壁，冷冷清清，没有活力。有了梦想，也就有了追求，有了奋斗的目标，有了梦想，就有了动力，它会催人前进，也许在实现梦想的道路中，会遇到无数的挫折，但没关系，跌倒了爬起来，再跌倒再爬起来，直至梦想实现，这是为梦想前进，无怨无悔。马丁・路德・金的梦想已然实现，他通过自己的不懈努力，带动更多的人实现了他们共同的梦想。

我也有一个梦想，在不远的将来，住在便捷、舒心、现代化的锦阳新城，早晨起来漫步在”污水地下走、清水河中流、漫道林中过、两岸绿成荫“的沮河，欣赏”漆沮会流“和”锦阳叠翠“的美丽景色；下班之后，去历史文化名城的”四坊、五馆、八景、十二景点“,感受瓦屋栉比、石牌耸立、晨钟暮鼓的耀州古城；在节假日，带着孩子去具有耀州民俗风情的关中最大的院子―叠翠谷，带孩子们体验农耕文明，为孩子讲述那古老的过去，手把手的体验手工提炼食用油、磨豆腐、织布、磨面。这是26万耀州人的梦想，也是区委、区政府实施”两园两城两景“六大区域目标所在，其中”两城“建设更是直接关系耀州百姓的安居乐业。为此，耀州区先后投资余万元，编制完成了《耀州区统筹城乡发展规划（―2030）》、《耀州古城整体概念设计》、《锦阳新城修建性详规》及墓坳等16个统筹城乡试点村（中心社区）控制性详规，并出台了《关于加快商贸服务业发展的实施意见》、《城市片区开发改造奖补意见》等优惠政策，鼓励和吸引社会资本参与城市建设，推进耀州城市提速转型发展。

为了这个梦想，在区委、区政府的坚强领导下，住建口倾力实干，”十二五“期间，在区级财政紧张情况下，采取市场化模式，用少量的财政资金撬动资本投入城市建设，搭建投融资平台，盘活存量资产，全面推进”两城“建设，完善城市基础设施，提升城市形象。规划面积2.27平方公里，总投资50亿元的历史文化名城，永乐坊复古升级改造、东鑫城天街购物广场、华艺君城和华原商务大厦等8个项目建成投入使用，林徽因故居正式对外开放，耀州城市展馆全面建成，永乐城市广场主体完工，神德寺文化公园、德馨佳苑、文庙、文营路南等城市片区改造项目进展顺利，完成投资16亿元。规划总面积3.43平方公里，总投资50亿元的锦阳新城，柳公权中学和区人民医院新址建设项目建成投入使用，职教中心、文化艺术中心、体育中心、创业孵化基地等公共服务设施等6个项目全面开工建设，沮河生态工程、”三纵三横“城市路网等顺利推进，完成投资11亿元。在改造古城，建设新城的同时，我们全面推进保障房和棚户区改造建设，全区保障性住房已建和在建8413套，47.68万平方米，分配入住890套，基本竣工正在分配2512套，完成投资3.524亿元；棚户区改造以来，17个棚户区改造项目累计完成征迁5483户、17000余人喜迁新居，争取中央专项补助资金8429万元，争取国开行棚户区改造专项贷款6.3亿元。

”十三五“期间，为了这个梦想，住建口将继续奋勇向前。一是把历史文化名城按照”轴向拓展、节点突破、捆绑开发、有机生长“的建设开发思路，改造老城区、保护传统民居、恢复重要民居院落空间关系，修建古槐广场、文庙名人广场、耀州民俗广场等古城重点城市节点景观，修建古城墙保护区；整治重点公共建筑立面，改造公安局、人民医院、区委、耀州中学等重要公共建筑立面；试点改造四大巷部分段落，将耀州历史文化融入古城重要节点，提升城市品位。二是将锦阳新城按照”统一规划，动态发展，滚动开发“的发展思路，一期延伸功能，聚集人气，树立形象，开发建设沮河水景治理、沮河东岸锦阳新城核心组团建设，建设城市副中心；二期美化环境，引导开发，在沮河风情廊道的重点建设区，以滨河景观建设、住区开发为主，提升新锦阳新城人居环境；三期完善功能，提升品质，在一、二期的基础上，以开发沮河西岸的住区开发为主，更新改造相关村落，美化环境，完善新区功能，提升耀州城市景观和人居环境品质。三是不断深化住房保障供应体系改革，探索社会房源收储回购，拓宽住房保障供应渠道，破解住房资金瓶颈；完善住房保障体系管理，扎实推进两房并轨、共有产权以及”和谐社区幸福家园“等重点领域的改革创新，稳步改善耀州人居环境。

漫漫人生，唯有急流勇进，不畏艰险，奋力拼搏，方能中流击水，抵达光明的彼岸。住建口将坚定不移，行道如水，通过苦干实干，一步一个脚印，一砖一瓦地去建设，把梦想的”两城“变成现实。（作者系耀州区人民政府副区长汪新军）

篇7：马丁・路德・金曾说过:I have a dream

尊敬的老师、亲爱的同学们：

大家好!大家还是否记得马丁・路德・金说过的： I have a dream，这句话对我的影响一直很大。

今天我演讲的题目恰恰是《我有一个梦想》。

对生命来说，没有任何东西能像书籍那样具有如此的力量。书籍是孤独者的朋友，是被遗弃者的伴侣，是郁郁寡欢者的喜悦，是绝望者的希望，是沮丧者的欢畅，是无依无靠者的相助，是梦想者的曙光。

我有一个梦想。

人生不能没有梦想，长存梦想，才是为止奋斗的生命源泉。不断进步，超越自我。

从现在开始，让我们怀着一颗赤热的心，抱着对文学的热爱，我们来了，我们无所畏惧，因为未了的激情。

只要我们喜欢写作，去热爱读书、热爱阅读，我们的精神是自由的，我们的思想是开放的;只要我们勤奋笔耕，只要我们不懈追求，只要我们有坚定的信念，只要......只要......

我告诉自己，今天，I have a dream!

我梦想的是，将来不再以成绩决定一切，我们的学生都会快乐自由的学习。我梦想的是，我们的学校是一所知识的殿堂。

这，就是我的梦想。

[马丁・路德・金曾说过:I have a dream]

篇8：我爱读书英文演讲

Dear every leader, teachers:

Everybody is good! The title of my speech today is ”let's read together!“ .

Books are the fruits of human civilization; The book is a treasure trove of knowledge storage; Books are the ladder of human progress; Book is the nourishment of the world. Life without books, as if the earth without sunshine. Wisdom without books, like a bird without wings. As long as we are willing to study, you can learn from the essence of human wisdom of several thousand years. Newton loved reading, China's total education network documentation channel in the research on the basis of predecessors' work, he discovered the law of universal gravitation, and thus to become a great scientist. Just think, if no books spread predecessors accumulated knowledge, in today's era, will also have a satellite and spacecraft in space? ! Also there will be a wonderful network computer? Let's go through !

Books are good teachers and wise friends. British famous thinker bacon said: ”reading for delight, is enough to gambling, enough to become“; The tang dynasty poet du fu said: ”reading break rolls, such as writing“; Famous writer Lin yu-tang said: ”reading can let a person get new knowledge, gain knowledge, have temperament“. Because of this, I have a passion for reading. Once upon a time, I in books, ”unable to extricate themselves. “Lei feng diary makes me clear: the highest significance of human existence, is to do a service for the people of screws. I've learned: dedicated life is the most beautiful; < < the old man and the sea >>in the don't succumb to the storm, the courage to fight against the old man let me respect; < < La Traviata >>China's total education network documentation channel let me remember: as long as the truth, the personality will never attractive! ”How the steel was tempered >>let me know how: a person only in the setbacks can show amazing perseverance. With it, people will not bow to difficulties and setbacks. < < detail decides success or failure >>tell me: put every piece of the simple things well is not simple; Each an ordinary thing to do is extraordinary; Is the so-called: “details” decision “success”! From < < ordinary world >>, I realized that: people, no matter in what position, no matter how poor, no matter how difficult, China's total education network documentation channel as long as have a hot heart, as long as you can love life, life is equal to you. Reading gives me great pleasure, I constantly found myself in reading, check yourself, improve yourself! However, every coin has its two sides. The good and evil people mixed up, in the vast sea of books, throw out shape. Noble live in society, and also inhabited by a subaltern, both good, also have a villain. This requests us in the eyes when you read, “take the essence and discard the dregs”, i.e., to read, read good books, read good books.

Century old man bing xin said: “good reading, good read, read good books. It is an axiom. Reading can let us enjoy the infinite ”fun“. Some books like vintage wines, can read; Some books such as the sugar cane, get; Some books like a green olive, now after bitter fragrance... Open a good book, smells it light ink, China's total education network documentation channel and li bai of tang dynasty to enjoy together the moon; Enjoy with su shi ”the great river east to go to, the wave depleted“ the heroic; With the Russian literary stepping a Siberian swirling snow... Up and down for thousands of years, in the tens of thousands of, through time and space tunnel, with elite spiritual feast, this is a wonderful situation!

”The bird to fly wings, first person be self-motivated study first“. Throughout ancient and modern Chinese and foreign, who greatly as a historical figure, are well-read people. The great leader chairman MAO said: ”rice can a day don't eat, sleep can't sleep a day, don't read books can't a day.“ For decades, keeping in chairman MAO's day, but he was always squeeze a little time to read a book learning. He zhongnanhai, the former residence, it is a sealed book to book. In order to read a book, chairman MAO using all can use of time. He every read a book, China's total education network documentation channel, an article is in the important place in the various symbols, where the blank write many thereon. It is the spirit of the pursuit, fast, to his remarkable feats. Great man's experience tells us that to be a people for the motherland and contribute to the people, must constantly, strenuously reading, the book is the source of the power of our great achievements!

Today we -- life of the younger generation in the sun, more should strive to plump wings of their own. As we know, standing on the shoulders of giants, we can see farther; By stepping stone to a thorough, China's total education network documentation channel we can climb even higher. ”Read five drum is not of the night, work is YiBaoShiHan." Friends, let's look at the eyes to read books, in books, in the book is a guide, make a wisp of fragrance with you me! Let's study together!

篇9：马丁路德金的演讲我有一个梦想

一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。

然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的;人人生而平等。”

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.”

我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。

I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character.

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

我今天有一个梦想。

我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由;因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。”

This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning.

My country, ’ tis of thee,

Sweet land of liberty,

Of thee I sing:

Land where my fathers died,

Land of the pilgrims’ pride,From every mountainside

Let freedom ring.

如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由的钟声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由的钟声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来!让自由的钟声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起!让自由的钟声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来!让自由的钟声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来!不仅如此，还要让自由的钟声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来!让自由的钟声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由的钟声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来!让自由的钟声从每一片山坡响起来。

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York!

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi!

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

当我们让自由钟声响起来，让自由钟声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!”

When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!”

马丁·路德·金人生轨迹

早年求学

马丁·路德·金，将“非暴力”和“直接行动”作为社会变革方法的最为突出的倡导者之一。1920xx年1月15日，马丁·路德·金出生在佐治亚州的亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。马丁·路德·金是牧师亚当·丹尼尔·威廉姆斯的外孙，威廉姆斯是埃比尼泽浸信会的牧师和全国有色人种协进会亚特兰大分会的发起人;马丁·路德·金是老马丁·路德·金的儿子，老马丁·路德·金继承父亲威廉姆斯成了埃比尼泽的牧师，母亲是教师。马丁·路德·金的家族发源于非洲裔美国人的浸信会。15岁时聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，在结束亚特兰大莫尔浩司学院的学业后，获得文学学士学位。马丁·路德·金又在宾夕法尼亚州的克劳泽神学院和波士顿大学就读，1951年他又获得柯罗泽神学院学士学位，1955年他从波士顿大学获得神学博士学位。在学习中，马丁·路德·金加深了对神学的认识并探究圣雄甘地在社会改革方面的非暴力策略。

前期运动

1953年，马丁·路德·金和柯瑞塔·斯科特结婚。第二年，他在阿拉巴马州蒙哥马利的德克斯特大街浸信会当了一名牧师。1955年，他获得了系统神学的博士学位。

1955年12月5日，由于有一位黑人妇女不给白人让座，被判蹲监狱2年，所以民权积极分子罗莎·帕克斯拒绝遵从蒙哥马利公车上的种族隔离政策，在此之后，黑人居民发起了对公共汽车抵制运动并选举金作他们新形式下蒙格马利权利促进协会的领头人。公共汽车抵制运动在 1956 年持续一年，马丁·路德·金因其领导地位而名声大噪。 1956 年12 月，美国最高法院宣布阿拉巴马州的种族隔离法律违反宪法，蒙哥马利市公车上的种族隔离规定也被废除。

为了寻求蒙哥马利胜利后的进一步发展，马丁·路德·金和其他的南部黑人领袖于 1957 年建立了南方基督教领袖会议。1959年，马丁·路德·金到印度游历并进一步发展了甘地的非暴力策略。那年年底，马丁·路德·金辞去了德克斯特的职务并返回亚特兰大，和他的父亲共同成为一名埃比尼泽浸信会牧师。

1960年，黑人大学生们揭起了入座抗议的浪潮，这促进了学生非暴力协调委员会的形成。马丁·路德·金支持学生运动，并对创建南方基督教领袖会议的青年分部表现出兴趣。学生激进分子很钦慕他，但他们不满于马丁·路德·金自上而下的领导作风，进而决定取得自治。作为学生非暴力协调委员会的顾问，曾经担任过南方基督教领袖会议副主管的埃拉·贝克向其他民权组织代表阐明，学生非暴力协调委员会将仍是一个学生领导的组织。1961年“自由乘车运动”中，马丁·路德·金由于拒绝参加活动而受到批评，加剧了他同青年激进分子的紧张关系。南方基督教领袖会议和学生非暴力协调委员会之间的矛盾在1961年和1962年的奥尔巴尼运动中继续着。

发展壮大

1963 年4月12日，马丁·路德·金和南方基督教领袖会议领导人在阿拉巴马州的伯明翰领导了大规模群众示威游行。金博士本人当天被捕。他在狱中写作了《来自伯明翰监狱的书简》。书简中，他阐述了美国民权运动的初衷、期望和梦想，批驳了对民权运动的种种指责。1963年夏天，当沙特尔沃思牧师在白宫会见美国总统肯尼迪时，他说：“没有伯明翰，我们今天不可能坐在这里。”此地以白人警方强烈反对种族融合而著称。徒手的黑人示威者与装备着警犬和消防水枪的警察之间的冲突，作为报纸头条新闻遍及世界各地。总统肯尼迪对伯明翰的抗议做出了回应，他向国会提出放宽民权立法的要求，这促成了 1964 年民权法案的通过。稍后，在 1963年8月28日，群众示威行动在“华盛顿工作与自由游行”的运动过程中达到高潮，此次示威运动中有超过二十五万的抗议者聚集在华盛顿特区。在林肯纪念馆的台阶上，马丁·路德·金发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演讲。

人生高潮

马丁·路德·金的声望随着1963 年成为时代周刊的年度人物和 1964 年获得诺贝尔和平奖而持续上升。然而，除了名气和赞美，运动内部领导层也出现了矛盾。马尔科姆·艾克斯的正当防卫和黑人民族主义理念引起了北方的共鸣，城市黑人的作用力超过了金为非暴力所作的号召。同时，金还要面对“黑人权力”运动发起人斯托克利·卡迈克尔的公开批评。

20xx年8日28日，马丁·路德·金的纪念雕像在华盛顿国家广场揭幕。在此前，只有华盛顿、杰弗逊、林肯和罗斯福等几位美国历史上著名的总统在这里立有纪念塑像,马丁·路德·金是第一位生前作为社会批评家的平民政治人物被在此加以纪念，也是第一位非洲裔政治领袖的纪念物，其意义非同一般。为何他能赢得和这几位著名总统并列的声望地位?正是他以和平抗争维护了《独立宣言》和《联邦宪章》自由平等民主正义的基本价值观，使他和这几位总统一样，为美国人民广泛推崇而享誉美国历史。

遭遇刺杀

1967年城市种族间暴力升级，美国联邦调查局主管埃德加·胡佛则趁机加强了破坏金领导力的全面努力。加之金对美国介入越南战争的公开批评，使得他与林登·约翰逊政府关系紧张。

1967年12月，马丁·路德·金发起了意在对抗经济问题的穷人运动，这项活动并没有得到早期民权革新运动者的支持。其后一年，在支持孟菲斯清洁工人的罢工中，他发表了最后演讲“我已到达顶峰”。1968年4月4日晚在田纳西州孟菲斯市洛林汽车旅店二层被种族主义分子暗杀，终年39岁。